FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLS

An account of what a political insider says really happened leading up to the 2006 Snap Election

The Democratic Party’s win in the recent Titikaveka by-election brings closure to two years of frenetic political wheeling and dealing.
The fluctuating fortunes of players in the political arena are now well known. Less well known was an audacious scheme to topple government that almost succeeded.
Many people have forgotten the Democratic Party won the 2004 General Election with a clear majority, only to fall apart over a leadership squabble, which caused former Prime Minister Robert Woonton and his supporters to forge a coalition with the losing Cook Islands Party.
Had the Demos waited for the petitions to finish and Woonton to be ousted, their leader Terepai Maoate would have walked into the leadership with the blessing of everyone. No more division. Everything would have been sweet for them.
Instead, the Cook Islands Party with the help of Woonton and Norman George stole the Government shortly after the 2004 elections. It was funny last year to hear CIP Leader Henry Puna and party heavyweight George Turia claim the Demos stole the Government in calling a snap election. It seemed a bit like the kettle calling the pot black.
The marriage of convenience between the small Jim Marurai-led Cook Islands First and bigger Sir Geoffrey-led CIP was never really expected to last and so it proved.
As finance minister, Sir Geoffrey had grabbed the lion’s share of the Budget for Cook Islands Party programmes, an action which former Cabinet Minister Tupou Faireka attributed to the eventual breakup of the Coalition. Rumours of horse trading with Maoate also did little to endear Sir Geoffrey to Prime Minister Marurai.
RIFT
The rift with Sir Geoffrey widened after Marurai fired Independent MP Piho Rua and replaced him in Cabinet with Wilkie Rasmussen, thereby ignoring Sir Geoffrey’s stated preference for CIP president Henry Puna.
There was an air of inevitability when Marurai finally sacked Sir Geoffrey and invited the Democratic Party back into Government.
However, the emergence of Prime Minister Marurai ‘out of the blue’ as a leader with a backbone struck a positive chord with the public and his popularity bloomed. The Democratic Party reformed and a new Cabinet sworn in which, apart from Peri Vaevae Pare, remains today.
No one recognised it at the time, but this political turmoil signaled the beginning and end of the political careers of many people. For whom the bells tolled would play out over the next months.
Behind the scenes a small group of people had banded together to plot the downfall of Government.
Long before the breakup of the Marurai-Henry government, this cabal had targeted Peri Vaevae Pare as the Cabinet Minister most susceptible to corruption. They hit pay dirt when Peri employed a government worker and took some building materials from a government Ministry for private work at his Matavera home.
MOVED
At this time, the Democratic Party held 12 seats in Parliament, Cook Islands Party 11, and Independent (Piho Rua) 1. Rua had moved his support to the Democratic Party after he was dumped from Cabinet, while CIP MP Wilkie Rasmussen supported Marurai in Cabinet.
The Police are notorious for their slowness in bringing cases before court, sometimes taking months or years. But for Vaevae Pare they set a new record and his case was in court in mere weeks.
Although found guilty, Vaevae Pare appealed the verdict which forestalled a by-election. The stakes were high because if the CIP picked up the Matavera seat in a by-election the numbers would be CIP 12, Demos 11, Independent 1. In this scenario, Speaker Norman George would have the casting vote in Parliament and thus the ability to bring down the Government. But Rasmussen’s support of Marurai meant the Opposition did not have his vote and could not change the government.
A break in the clouds all of a sudden appeared for the plotters when Atiu MP Upoko Simpson, suffering health problems along with his wife, signaled that he wanted out from politics.
The plotters concentrated on getting Simpson to switch allegiance to the Cook Islands Party. Simpson had medical bills to pay. His shop in Atiu needed fresh stock. So a boat was chartered to carry new stock to Atiu for his shop.
The plot, however, was sidetracked by a bizarre turn of events. Woonton, now installed as High Commissioner in Wellington, and developer Tim Tepaki mapped out a coup, supported by CIP MPs Tupou Faireka and Albert Nicholas, to topple Marurai and install Maoate as Prime Minister.
But the scheme backfired after Maoate and Faireka both made it public. Woonton became the scapegoat and was sacked for his troubles.
Brushing aside the fallout from their failed coup, Tepaki and Woonton declared open warfare on the ruling Democratic Party and swore to bring down the Marurai Government. Tepaki and the CIP joined forces and from this stage until the General Elections in 2006 Tepaki is a major player behind the efforts of the Cook Islands Party to change Government.
The Opposition tried to induce Demo MP Tiaki Wuatai to cross to the CIP in exchange for the promise of a seat in Cabinet. On the Government side, the Demos lobbied the Prime Minister to reappoint Rua to Cabinet and hold him in the Demo fold. But Marurai refused, electing to fight it out with the Cook Islands Party to the end.
Rua also applied pressure threatening the PM with the loss of his support if he were not reappointed to Cabinet. Marurai, however, stood his ground and recruited CIP MP Teina Bishop to replace Vaevae Pare who had stepped down from Cabinet to fight his court case.
BREAK
A big break for the plotters came after the Demos upset Upoko Simpson when they cancelled the purchase of a bus for Atiu. Simpson flew to Rarotonga for a meeting with the plotters. Shortly after, Rua and Simpson switched allegiance to help Tepaki bring down the Marurai Government and install a Cook Islands Party Government to be led by Sir Geoffrey.
Not one to be left behind, Norman George fast tracked Simpson’s resignation plans from Parliament and in the resulting by-election he trounced both the CIP and Demo candidates to regain a seat in Parliament. He immediately announced his support for the Cook Islands Party to bring down the Marurai Government.
In desperation, the Democratic Party tried to recruit CIP MP Tiki Matapo to take on the position of Speaker of Parliament in place of Norman George. Matapo agreed at first but later changed his mind. CIP MP Albert Nicholas initially warmed to the offer of a seat in Cabinet to bolster the Marurai Government but he too changes his mind as the prospect of a coup appears real.
By now the general public was enormously fed up with the party hopping, wheeling and dealing for power, continuous rumours of coups, and the unending political instability. This was reflected in unprecedented letters of support for Prime Minister Marurai from different sectors of the community and business, some of which were leaked to the public.
But the CIP leadership and plotters ignored those warning signs. They were committed to a path they had already chosen.
Finally, Vaevae Pare’s fate is sealed in the Appeal Court. He is gone. A by-election is called in Matavera. The CIP pile the pressure onto Bishop to quit Cabinet. Bishop is given two choices: stay in Cabinet and be fired from the Party or resign from Cabinet and be loyal to the Party.
The morale of CIP supporters is boosted enormously when Bishop announced his intention on the eve of the Matavera by-election to quit Cabinet.
HUNG
Kiriau Turepu triumphs in the by-election for the CIP and a huge celebration takes place that Thursday evening at his Matavera home. The numbers are 12 all. It is a hung Parliament but the Opposition has the edge because not only had Bishop announced he was quitting Government but Norman George as Speaker also had the casting vote in the event of a tie in Parliament.
The Opposition is so sure of the outcome they announce publicly how and when they will bring the curtain down on the Marurai government. The Budget is debated right up to the Friday with one more day required to complete the debate. The Opposition plan for the Monday is to unseat Marurai through a vote of no confidence and replace him with Sir Geoffrey as Prime Minister.
Over the weekend, new ministerial portfolios leaked out, changes to Government Boards pondered, and liquor ordered and chilled for the celebrations to follow the transfer of power on Monday.
Monday dawned. After a year of meticulous planning, courting of politicians and promises of paybacks and job rewards, the event the plotters dared to dream was tantalisingly in reach. The Marurai Government was about to crumble.
By now the group had expanded to include Sir Geoffrey Henry, Henry Puna, Norman George, Tim Tepaki, Piho Rua, and George Turia. But two obstacles checked their progress. These were the Head of State and the voice of the people.
The Queen’s Representative delivered the first blow. At 9 o’clock, he dissolved Parliament before it could sit and announced a General Election.
The Speaker Norman George, Sir Geoffrey and the Opposition MPs refused to accept defeat easily. They proceeded to sit illegally.
Despite being told by Crown Law the sitting was unlawful, the Police Chief failed to act and instead provided an escort for Sir Geoffrey to be sworn in as the new Prime Minister. The façade ended at the QR’s door where they were confronted in another ironic twist by police officers acting on behalf of the Head of State and told to go away.
Gloom descended on the cavalcade as the realisation set in the coup had failed. They dispersed in all directions.
In the afternoon, the coup architects regrouped in the Opposition Office where a death like feeling hung in the air. “We’ll challenge the QR’s proclamation in Court.” “But we need money for that.” “No private lawyer on Rarotonga will act for us.” Doom and gloom abound.
LETTER
Suddenly, a letter arrives from the Godfather, Tim Tepaki. In it, Tepaki writes “I will pay all the fees for a legal challenge with a down payment of 50k as a start.” Hope is rekindled.
The Cook Islands Party launches a new campaign slamming the Democratic Party for stealing government. But while the Demos quietly prepared for the General Elections, the Cook Islands Party went about reinventing itself in preparation for taking over Government, which in their minds was inevitable. They were certain they would be in power either through the Court or at the polls.
Their first business was a party conference. Sir Geoffrey resigned and anointed Henry Puna his chosen successor. It was meant to be a positive changing of the guard, but the move shackled the party heading into the General Elections.
Many of the CIP delegates in the conference had wanted a clean change of leader from Sir Geoffrey to the likeable, well known, and long serving deputy leader Tom Marsters. Holding a safe seat on Rarotonga, Marsters appeared a good bet to lead the party into a snap election. Instead, the party was lumbered with a totally new leadership three weeks out from a General Election.
A new style CIP was also emerging, with businessman Tim Tepaki lending financial weight to the party. Money flowed freely through the CIP campaign machine. Woonton was brought back from Wellington to boost the CIP prospects, particularly in Manihiki, Rakahanga, Pukapuka and Aitutaki. Charter flights flew regularly to the Outer Islands to carry the CIP campaign.
Interestingly, Vaevae Pare switched his support to the Cook Islands Party (apparently after being promised the position of Cook Islands Consulate in the Auckland Office) and campaigned for the CIP in the Outer Islands.
PLANES
The Demos went into the campaign mode without delay. They could not afford the charter planes to visit the Outer Islands because they were broke.
Instead they fell back on their two most valuable assets – a very popular and respected Prime Minister and the drive of their own young people to carry their campaign. The young people shared one thing in common – they were fed up with perversion, greed, and shameless horse trading embedded in the political system. They wanted reform.
And they were prepared to get involved on the campaign trail. Their participation in the Demo campaign was reflected in a new logo, new themes, fresh ideas and different advertising.
The result is well known. The election was held. The people spoke. The message was clear. Coups, corruption, political grime were given the thumbs down.
The Titikaveka by-election in early February finally brought closure not only to the 2006 General Elections but also to the two years of scheming, plotting, and scrambling for power that continued after the 2004 General Elections.

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